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1 Trajectory of the Past Anterior (HABUIT + Past Participle) in Italian and an Overview of its History in French and Spanisb. Margaret L. Lilienthal A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of ltalian University of Copfight by Margaret L. Lilienthal 1998

2 I*m National Li brary of Canada Acquisitions and Bibliographie Services Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions et services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395, nie Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON KI A ON4 Canada Canada The author has granted a nonexclusive licence allowing the National L ibq of Canada to reproduce, Ioan, distribute or seil copies of this thesis in microform, paper or electronic formats. The author retains ownership of the copyright in this thesis. Neither the thesis nor substântial extracts fhm it may be printed or othenvise reproduced without the author's ~ermission. L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive permettant à la Biblioîhèque nationale du Canada de reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou vendre des copies de cette thèse sous la fome de rnicrofiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. Ni la thése ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement reproduits sans son autorisation.

3 Abstract Trajectory of Past Anterior (HABUIT + Past Mci~le) in Italian with an Ove~ew of its Historv in French and S~anish. Ph.D Margaret Lamb Lilienthal Department of Italian S tudies University of Toronto The past anterior--called "trapassato rernoto" in Italian, "passé antérieur" in French and "preterito antenor" or "ante-pretérito" in Spanish-was widely used in Medieval texts. Beginning in the 15th century, however, the usage of this periphrastic verbal tense entered a pend of steady decline 1. Today the past antenor is used sparingly, mainly in highly literary contexts. It has survived only because of its usefulness within very restricted, temporal constnicts, and even then it can fiequently be replaced by other verbal expressions. Some remnants of this tense cm still be found in some southem Italian dialects (Rohlfs 1969), and in southem France, for instance in "gévaudanais," a northem didect of "Languedocien" in the domain of Occitan (Camproux 1958). The functions of the past studied only by a few scholars, anterior in Old Italian have been mainly Ambrosini in his As the Endish verbal swtem does not msess the tense under discussion. scholars wnting about% in Engiish have uçed no sinde name but have called it, variously, umaùw p a part unienor, passk adrieur, 2nd plupevecf, past pegecf, îhe 1st king the least satisfactory since it usually stands for the pluperfect 1 have preferred to use pst antenor as this has the advantage of king akin to the French and Spanish tem.

4 monograph. In 1992, I undertook an examination of the existing studies together with an analysis of numemus representative texts of the Medieval period; 1 found that several relevant aspects had not ken satisfactorily treated and that various conclusions were open to question. For these reasons I undertook my own research in this area. In addition to studying the past anterior in Italian, 1 decided to examine the same forms in French and Spanish in order to gain a comprehensive view of the functions of this tense in three Romance languages. The parallel courses followed by this verb form in Italian and French and, to a lesser degree, Spanish, have ken noted by a few scholars; there has not yet ken, however, any thorough, comparative analysis. The present study does not presume to have exhausted the historical investigation of the past anterior. 1 believe, however, that it has emphasized the importance that similar research would have in this area. A thorough, comparative analysis could provide a new perspective on the origin, the deveiopment and especially the decline of this tense, and help place its fimctions and usages in the context of the history of Romance verbal tenses. iii

5 1 would like to express my appreciation to the following: My parents, Peggy and David My sister, Pamela Black Stefano Graziano Eda, Carlo, Paolo, Nicola, Silvia and Monia Cianchi Rita Filardi Frances, Rosetta and Mike Giampapa Costantha, Otello and Marco Graziano Jdio Cebrian %of. Ricardo Ambrosini %of- Gianrenzo P. Clivio %of- Bianca Di Tullio Ruggieri %of- Ghino Ghinassi %of- Joseph Gulsoy %of- Teresa Poggi Salani *f. Yves Roberge +of- Luca Serianni +of- Alfred0 Stussi Michael Fitzgerald, Widener Library, Harvard University Al1 the libmïans at the Accademia della Cncsca, Florence, Italy; in particular, Delia Ragionieri, Giuseppe Abbatista, Rosanna Battini and Alvaro Mari Native speakers of Italian: Eda Cianchi, Gianrenzo P. Clivio, Cinzia Di Giulio, Bianca Di Tullio Ruggieri, Stefano Graziano, Simonetta Metrano, Enrico Orlando, Monia Sahadori, Luca Serianni, Simonetta Severi, Maria Sordini For technical support: Franco Avril Roberto Baliati Stefano Graziano Ed Harper Joshua Held

6 Introduction Terms Used in This Study Chapter Layout Table of contents Page Cha~ter One : The Past Anterior and Latin 1. Traces of the Classicd Latin Pluperfect - in the Romance Languages 2. Classical Latin Merging of INFECmTM and PERFECTTUM 3. A New Form: HABERE/ESSE in Combination with the Past Paaiciple Chapter Two : The Past Anterior in Old Italian 1. General Note The Past Antenor in Subordinate Clauses The Past Anterior in Principal Clauses The Past Anterior in Combination with the Estorical Present The Past Anterior in Combination with the Imperfect Tense The Past Anterior in a Non-Temporal Environment: Relative Ciauses Other EnWonments The Past Anterior and Reflexive Pronouns Chapter Three : Theories Contradicted by the Data 1. Ambrosini's Theory. An Ove~ew 2. Contradictory Phenornena 3. Boccaccio's Leamed Writings and Minor Works 4. Sacchetti's Learned Writings 6. The Croniche 7. The Past Anterior and Transitive/Intransitive Verbs

7 Cha~ter Four : The Past Anterior in Modem Italian 1. Decline of the Past Anterior 2. The Past Anterior in Manzoni's 1 Promessi Sposi Cha~ter Five : Italian Grammars 1. Grammarians and the Past Anterior 2. Concluding Comments Cha~ter Six : The Past Anterior in French 1. Old French 2. Modem French Chapter Seven : The Spanish Preterïto Anterior (Ante-Pretérito) 1. Old Spanish 2. Modem Spanish Cha~ter Eight : Concludhg Observations 1. Decline of the Past Antenor in Italian 2. Redundancy Theory 3. Simplification of Italian Syntax 4. Decline of the Past Anterior in French 5. Decline of the Past Anterior in Spanish 6. Conclusion B ibliography

8 Introduction The past anterior, cailed "trapassato remoto" in Italian, "passé antérieur" in French and " preterito anterior" or "ante-pretéri to" in Spanish, was used considerably in a variety of Medieval texts. Beginning in the 15th century, however, the usage of this periphrastic verbal tense entered a period of steady decline 1. Today the past anterior is used sparingly, mainly in highly literary contexts. The fact that some remnants of this tense can still be found in some southem Italian dialects (Rohlfs 1969), and in southem France, for instance in gévaudanais, a northem dialect of hnguedacien in the domain of Occitan (Camproux 1958), would indicate that the past anterior was at one time used in the spoken language. The fimctions of the past anterior in Old Italian have been studied by a few scholars, mainly Ambrosini in his monograph. In 1992,I began to examine the existing studies and to analyse numerous representative texts of the Medieval period. From this 1 reached the conclusion that several relevant aspects had not been satisfactorily treated and that various conclusions were open to question. For these reasons I undertook my own research in this area As the English verbal system does not possess the tense under discussion, scholars writing about it in English have used no single name but have called it, variously, "anterior past, past anterior, passé autérieur, 2nd pluperfect, second past perfect, past perfect," the last king the least satisfactory since it usually stands for the piuperfect. 1 have preferred to use "past anterior" this has the advantage of king akin to the French and Spanish ternis.

9 In addition to studying the past anterior in Italian, 1 decided to examine this tense in French and Spanish as well in order to gain a comprehensive view of its fimctions in three Romance languages. Research on this topic thus far has not been complete or systematic. With this dissertation, 1 wish to offer some ideas as to why the past anterior has such a resûicted usage today compared to past centuries. 1 also hope to bring a promising and relatively unexplored area of research to the attention of the experts. The main part of this study focuses on the development and usage of the past anterior in Italian. 1 concentrated on prose texts, literary texts and historicd chronicles, because they are more apt to represent the prevailing usage of this tense, as can be inferred fiom Ageno's statement (1964: 305; see also Ambrosini : 27): "Gli esempi di cui disponiamo sono quasi tutti in poesia, e ci6 riduce indubbiamente il loro valore probatorio, in quanto è in giuoco la ricerca di facili rime in -ato, 40, -uto." There are five past verbal tenses in Italian: the simple preterite ("passato remoto" : feci) 2, the compound preterite (" passato prossimo": ho fatto) 3, the irnperfect tense ("imperfetto" : facevo), the pluperfect ("trapassato prossimo": avevo fatto) 4, and the past anterior 2 Bertinetto (1987: 342): simple preterite; Jensen (1990: 344): preterite; Blanc (1964: 99): pretent. 3 Bertinetto (1987: 346): compound preterite. 4 Bertinetto (1987: 342), Jensen (1990: 344): pluperfect.

10 ("trapassato remoto": ebbi fatto) 5. The following paragraphs wîll discuss some of the connections and ciifferences between the past anterior and the pluperfect. They are closely related as they both are penphrastic verbal tenses describing actions set in the past that occur before another action also set in the past. In a subordinate clause, the past anterior is usually accompanied by a simple preterite in the main clause; in the same environment, the pluperfect cm be found instead with al1 of the past tenses except for the past anterior (see Serianni 1989: 473). The past anterior is fomed by the simple preterite of the auxiliary, essere or avere (visually, this shows the connection between the past anterior and the simple pretente), and the past participle of a verb: ebbi fatto ("1 had done") and fui arrivato ("1 had arrived"). Similarly, the pluperfect, which uses the imperfect tense of the auxiliary, is clearly linked to the imperfect tense: avevo fatto ("1 had done") and ero arrivato ("1 had arrived"). Note that English makes no distinction between the past anterior and the pluperfect; both forms, ebbi fatto and avevo fatto, are translated as "1 had done." TekavEiC maintains that the main distinction between the past anterior and the pluperfect in Italian is the opposition "durata limitata / durata non limitata" (1970: 13). He contends that the form ebbi 5 Blanc (1964: 99), Jensen (1990: 344): past anterior; Ambruster (198 1 : 380), Garey (1955: 33): anterior past; Rohrer (1982: 322), Bertinetto (1987: 341): pasd antérieur; Darmesteter (1 899: 756): 2nd pluperfect; Russo (1966: 129): second pst perfect; Gananti Itaiian-English Dictionary (199 l), Fowler, W.C. The Enelish Langua~e, New York: Harper (1 876: 3 10): pst perfect.

11 cantato expresses the following, as opposed to avevo cantato (1970: 2 1): "ebbi cantato: esprime la non eventualità, appartiene al passato (per conseguenza è indifferente al futuro), esprime l'anteriorità nonché il termine (durata limitata) [...] avevo cantato: corne il precedente, solo che non esprime il termine." Terms used in this studv: As~ct: In Cornrie's words (1976: 3), aspect is "a different way of viewing the intemal temporal constituency of a situation." Aspect is distinct fiom tense since it does not place an action in time 6. According to Ageno (1971: 61n), Old Italian did not possess the morphological means to distinguish between the various aspects of a verb. This created aspectual problems, which have led to conflicting analyses by contemporary scholars. As far as Modem Italian is concemed, Bertinetto (1986: 85) remarks that only rarely is aspect indicated on a morphological level and in most cases can be identified only by inference rather than by direct commutation between the verbal tenses. 6 Aspect, Cornrie contends (1976: 3), has frequentiy been confused with tense. The distinction, however, between the Italian "lesse" and "leggeva," or the French "elle lut" and "elle lisait," or even the English "she read" and "she was reading," is one of aspect, not of tense, since in dl thee cases both foms are past tenses. While aspect is concerned with the intemal temporal stnicture of a situation, tense locates a situation relative to another tirne-point (in other words, it is concemed with the extemal temporal structure of a situation). Cornrie notes (1976: 1 i) that in discussions of aspect there is no generally accepted terminology, which has led to differing opinions arnong scholars, and frequentiy to confusion.

12 Tense: It "relates the time of the situation referred to some other tirne, usually to the moment of speaking" (Comrie 1976: 1-2). Aktionsart or "mode of action" (see Piva 1979: 483): This is the way or manner in which the action takes place, e.g. durative. Perfective Form: This marks the fidl completion of an action, such as the ltalian feci (I did). The perfective (see Comrie 1976: 11) presents dl parts of a situation as a whole, without my consideration for its intemal structure. Comrie observes that "the tense that most often evinces aspectual distinctions is the past tense" (1976: 71); this restriction gives a reason why aspectual forms of the same tense are referred to traditionally as separate "ternes" (ibid.: %), such as the imperfect tense and the simple preterite. Immrfective Form: This characterizes the duration of an action, such as the Italian facevo (1 was doing). Comrie (1976: Il) writes that an imperfective process deals with a situation Mewed fiom within, for instance an action in progress, and is not concemed with its completeness or whether or not it is striving towards a telos (goal). Durative: These are verbs in which the action is prolonged in the such as crescere, donnire. Non Durative: These verbs instead have a quick development such as esplodere, arrivare, cadere.

13 9 Stative: These are verbs that possess permanent or untramferable qualities such as esistere, credere, essere, avere, piacere. Telic: These verbs imply that there is a goal to be attained, or, in Comrie's words, a situation involving "a process that Ieads up to a well-defined terminal point, beyond which the process cannot continue" (1976: 45). These are verbs such as finire, partire, morire, giungere, accorgersi Atelic: These are verbs in which the telos, the ultimate goal, has not ken achieved, where there is no nnal result, such as smettere.

14 Chapter La~out My dissertation is organized as follows: Chapter One will touch upon the ongin of the past anterior in the latter pend of Classical Latin. Chapter Two will examine the various functions covered by this tense in Old Italian and Chapter Three will register the inconsistencies of some theories concerning said functions. Chapter Four will analyse the usage of the past anterior in Modem Italian. Chapter Five will review the observations of some of the more important grammarians on the past anterior. Chapter Six will explore the history of this tense fiom Old to Modem French. Chapter Seven will discuss the past anterior in Old and Modern Spanish. Chapter Eight will address the progressive demise of this tense.

15 CIHAPTER ONE : The Past Anterior and Latin 1. Traces of the Classical Latin PLuperfect in the Romance Languages 2. Classical Latin Merging of INFECTUM and PERFECTUM 3. A New Form: HABEREESSE in Combination with the Past Participle

16 1. Traces of the Classical Latin Pluperfect in the Romance Languages The Romance past anterior was an analytic i~ovation which developed over the course of time. There is no exact counterpart to this tense in Classical Latin, although it does correspond somewhat to the Latin pluperfect (active) of the indicative, a synthetic form which no longer exists as such. This fom had two meanings in Classical Latin, that of a past action which occurred before another action also set in the past, and that of a past conditional (Togeby 1%6: 176). The Classical Latin pluperfect f m PORTAVERAM has two corresponding foms both in Italian and French, ebbi portatoij'eus porté (respectively, the "trapassato remoto" and the "passé antérieur"), and avevo portato/j'avais porté "trapassato prossirno" and the "plus-que-parfait"). (respectively, the TekavEiC (1980: 364) States that the Romance pluperfect is the direct successor of the Classical Latin pluperfect since it expresses anteriority in the past, unlike the past anterior which, as we shall see, expresses mainl y accomplished actions. According to Rohlfs, remnants of the Classical Latin pluperfect fom can be seen in some dialects of the Italian region of Campania (1968: ): "ln alcune parlate campane il 'porterei') derivante da1 piucchepperfetto indicativo latin0 (dederam, potuerat) ha sporadicamente assunto funzione di perfetto indicativo. A Formicola (prov. Caserta) mangèra non significa soltanto 'mangereit ma anche 'mangiai' (mangèramo 'noi rnangiamrno'). 11 passaggio da1

17 piucchepperfetto al perfetto comsponde al mutamento di *one che ha fatto scadere habuissern ad avessi." Actually, according to Togeby (1%: 178), traces of the Classicd Latin pluperfect-in its conditional meaning-are visible in most southern Italian dialects, such as the dialect of Calabria (amerra for amerei), with the exception of the area of Magna Grecia. It is also present in ancient Sardinian forms such as levarat, fecerat, poserat. In one of Sardinia's northem dialects, there are still endings in "era, -eras, -erat, -erantw which clearly descend fiom the Latin pluperfect. One must not forget as well the ancient Italian fom fora (sarebbe stata), derived fiom the pluperfect FUERAT and used by Dante (see Ronconi 1947: 70). Another vestige of the Classical Latin form can be found in the simple form of the Old Spanish pluperfect ending in "-rd' (see Rohlfs 1968: 49), such as amara, "1 had loved," which corresponded in Medieval Spanish to havia amado, indicating thus anteriority in the past. Porto Dapena notes the following (1989: 106-7): "Es necesario seiialar aqui que en espaiiol actual, para la expresih del contenido de pretérito pluscuamperfecto de indicative, conviven dos formas verbales distintas: la cornpuesta habia cantado, que es evidentemente la mas generalizada, y junto a ella la simple cantara, que, si bien es considemda en los manudes de gramatica como forma del imperfecto de subjuntivo al lado de cantase, proviene, sin embargo, del pluscuamperfecto latino (cantaveram > cantaram), y como ta1 pluscuamperfecto ha pe~vido en el espaiiol antiguo y se ha seguido usando hasta hoy dialectalmente--por ejemplo en el castellano de Galicia y de algunas zonas de América-asi como también, con

18 carticter esporadico y cierto sabor arcaizante, en la lengua literaria." Beginning in the 15th century, this form was no longer used as a past tense of the indicative, but only as a tense of the subjunctive (Andres-Suiirez 1994: 242). Andres-Suiirez points out, however, that even today this tense is still employed by some authors in its original, indicative meaning; some specialists consider this usage a literary archaism. In her opinion, this verb tense is in a buffer zone between the indicative and the subjunctive moods (ibid.: 249): "A mi juicio, se situa en ma zona intermedia entre el indicative y el subjuntivo, en una esfera de virtualidad que podemos llamar potencial, acepcih que poseia en latin y que fue sin duda el desencadenante de su deslizamiento hacia la esfera del subjuntivo. Las hses 'debieras trabajar', 'bien pudieras haber avisado antes de venir', 'mas le valiera no haber nacido', etc., siguen siniandose a caballo entre ambos modos." There are traces of this tense (see Togeby 1966) also in Old French, for instance in the form auret = avait (Rohlfs 1968: 49) and Portuguese, in both of its meanings (indicative and subjunctive), and in Old Provençal, Gascon, and Catalan; in fact, the forms cantara- batera-partira are still heard in the Valencian variety of Catalan in the function of imperfect subjunctive (see Guanier 1950: 179). 2. Classical Latin Merging of INFECTUM and PERFECTUM As Ronconi (1947: 30) points out, the Classical Latin verbal system's primary concem was to distinguish between present, past

19 and future; aspectual distinctions were of secondary importance (ibid.: 25): "1 tempi del verbo latino hanno in primo luogo la -one di esprimere il rapporto cronologico rispetto al momento in cui si parla O nspetto a un'altra azione indicata ne1 contesto (rapporto di anteriorith, contemporaneità, posteriorità) e, secondariamente, di esprimere entro certi limiti I'ASPE'ITO dell'azione, cioè di indicare se l'azione è vista ne1 suo svolgersi per un tempo indeterminato, O ne1 suo esaurirsi entro un limite temporale definito. " Andres-Suarez (1994: 24) surmises that Classical Latin speakers felt the necessity to emphasize temporal distinctions in the verbal system; it is at that point that aspectual distinctions lost their importance. In Classical Latin, therefore, the INFECTUM (imperfective) and PERFECTUM (perfective) aspects of the past tense of a verb merged into one form--the perfect tense. These two verbal paradigms were instead distinct in ancient Greek. The INFECTUM indicated an action as it was being carried out, an action without an end in sight, whereas the PERFECTUM denoted an action that had ken accomplished. This opposition, as Ernout (1927: 179; see also Andres-Suiirez 1994: 24) remarks temporal implications. initially did not possess any The Classical Latin perfect tense thus encompassed two different functions which were different with respect both to aspect and tense, as TekaviSie shows (1980: 227): "1) Pub esprimere un passato, anche lontano, e sema relazione col presente: VENI 'vend (ma volta).

20 2) Pub esprirnere anche l'anteriorità immediata al presente, ci& un passato vicino, il cui nsultato continua ne1 presente: VENI 'sono venuto' (e ora sono qui)." In Classical Latin, as remarked by Lefkowitz, "perfectivity nanirally implies anteriority" (1983: 1 13). As we cm readily notice, in the above example VENI implies anteriority to, and completion by, the moment of speaking. 3. A New Fom: HABERE/ESSE in Combination with the Past Participle Lefkowitz observes that "The CL situation of one form bearing two meanings which cut across tense and aspect is not tolerated by Spoken Latin" (1983: 114) 7. According to her, at some point du~g the Classical Latin period a second form was used to remedy this ambiguity which had created linguistic instability. This new construction took on the "perfect function of the synthetic paradigm" (id: 114) It also rapidly became popular, probably because it expressed with extreme clarity the present result of an anterior action, something which, as we have seen, could not occur in Classical Latin (Andres-Suiirez 1994: 39). The construction HABERE in combination with the past participle already existed in Pre-Classical and in Classical Latin, but the conjugated verb kept its original meaning (of possession) or indicated the result of an action (Yllera 1980: 276). 7 CL = Classicai Latin.

21 Bertinetto (1986: 218; see also Andres-Sdez 1994: 45-6) comrnents that the structure of the passive perfect tense in Classical Latin might have favored the development of the periphrastic perfect tenses in the Romance languages as a result of the potential arnbiguity inherent in expressions such as LAUDATUS EST, which cm be interpreted both as passive perfect tense or as adjective plus present tense. Brunot (see also Yllera 1980: 276) points out that the usage of HABERE as an auxiliary became fiequent only in the 6th century "ce n'est qu'au VIe siècle que les exemples commencent à se multiplier. Grégoire de Tours est le premier auteur chez qui la toumwe est nette et fréquente. [...] le parfait habui avec le même participe prépare un passé antérieur: deliberatum habui ut..qallas altaris tenerem (Grég. de T., H.F.,7,22,p. 304,24) [...]." Prototypes of the past anterior can be found in some texts dating to the perîod between the 5th and 10th centuries, such as the 1) Acîa Andrae and the 2) Formulae Salikae Merkelianae, in which we find the following (TekavEi6 1980: 229): " 1) MATTHAEUM... ANTE TE B I MISSUM HABUIT; 2) VOS NON FUIT PLACABILE IN IPSA CONVEMOENTIA ADSTARE, SICUT PARABOLATUM HABUISTIS." With the evolution of these new past tenses--which partly fiiled the gap left by the disappearance of the Latin synthetic foms such as the pluperfect of the indicative--the ancient distinction between INFECTUM and PERFECTUM not only was reinstated but also

22 became emphasized during the development of the Romance languages. Expressions such as EPISTüIAM SCRIPTAM HABEO still represented States or actions in the present, but indicated as well that these derived fiom accomplished, anterior actions. During the process of evolution of the Romance languages, using HABERE as an auxiliary, the expression of anteriority in the past was accentuated, so the meaning of the above sentence: "1 possess the written letter" changed to "1 have wrîtten the Letter" (TekavEié 1980: 227). It is obvious that the sentence "1 possess the written letter" could indicate that the letter had been written by a second subject--that of SCRIPTAM--whereas "X have written the letter" clearly implies only one subject. At some point in time, therefore, the subject of HABEO shifted and came to coincide with that of SCRIPTAM. As Salvi (1982: 120) notes, the construction at this stage did not indicate the subject's possession of the result of an anterior, past action, but the action itself which occurred in the past. Salvi (1982: 120) contends that this change in the interpretation of sentences of this type must have been semantic in the first phase of the passage from Latin to Romance, and was detennined by the semantic loss of the original meaning of possession of the auxiliary. Bertinetto as well asserts that HABERE underwent a semantic loss, probably in the Late Latin period. HABERE began to indicate a generic relationship between the subject and the object. In this phase, it became grammaticalized, and, as Lefkowitz remarks, "an implied temporal marker of anteriority" (1985: 115). HABERE and the past participle began to be used and interpreted as a unit.

23 It should be remarked that in some languages HABERE's original meaning of possession was kept, as in Italian, resulting in a semantic and functional doubleness (TekavCie 1980: 230). Periphrases using ESSE as an auxiliary followed the example of those with HABERE. The ESSE penphrases, a Romance innovation, were limited to the center area of Romania (Italo-Romance, Sardinian, Gallo-Romance) and did not form in the two lateral areas (Romanian, Spanish). With a few exceptions, as Vincent points out, the ESSE periphrases have undergone less scmtiny than their HABERE counterpart, and have been "treated as the poor relation" (1982: 72). He notes that in Classical Latin the fom of ESSE in combination with the past participle of a verb was common and encompassed at least two functions ( ibid.: 85-6): "The syntagm amtus est expressed the perfect passive, [...]. Parallel to passives in form but not in meaning according to the traditional classification are the so-called deponent verbs such as locutus est, profectus est, etc." TekavEiC (1980: 232) makes the observation that the development of new verbal periphrases, such as the past anterior, responded to the analytical tendency of the evolving Romance languages. These foms were based on the past participle, a largely unpredictable form in Classical Latin which, however, became much more predictable in Vulgar Latin. It should be noted that the past participle, heretofore an adjective, becarne a fixed component of the verbal system. This meant that past participles had to be created for verbs which did not originally possess these forms (Berhetto 1986: 219). A few examples are "VOLERE > *VOLUTU (Italian voluto;

24 French voulu), POTERE > *POTüTü (Italian potuto; French pu), ESSERE > *ESSUTU (Old Italian suto) and so foah flekaveic 1980: 264; see also Andres-Suiirez 1994: 48-50). TekavCiE reports as well that the past participles ending in -UTU (*PERDUTU and so forth) are Romance innovations; they are not found, for instance, in Sardinian. In the beginning, these periphrases, as noted by Bertinetto (1986: 221), had an aspectual, rather than temporal, function co~ected mainly to the aspectual notion of completeness. Lefkowitz asserts that "aspect has become subordhate to tense in Romance" (1983: 1 12). This statement offers a plausible explmation for the instability and consequent weakness of these verb forms which could lose their original aspectual properties and be reabsorbed into the temporal dimension, as observed by Bertinetto ( ).

25 The Past Anterior in Old Italian 1. General Note 2. The Past Anterior in Subordinate Clauses 3. The Past Anterior in Principal Clauses 4. The Past Anterior in Combination with the Histoncal Present 5. The Past Anterior in Combination with the Imperfect Tense 6. The Past Anterior in a non-temporal Environment. Relative Clauses 7. Other Environrnents 8. The Past Anterior and Reflexive Pronouns

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