1 FACTA A JOURNAL OF ROMAN MATERIAL CULTURE STUDIES
2 Direttori: Daniele Malfitana Jeroen Poblome John Lund Comitato scientifico: S. E. Alcock (Brown University, R.I.) P. M. Allison (University of Leicester) D. Bernal (Universidad de Cadiz) M. Bonifay (Centre Camille Jullian-UMR 6573, CNRS) R. Brulet (Université Catholique de Louvain) L. Chrzanovski (International Lychnological Association) F. D Andria (Uni versità di Lecce) M. de Vos (Università di Trento) K. Dunbabin (McMaster University, Ontario) M. Feugère (Equipe TPC-UMR 5140, CNRS) I. Freestone (Cardiff University) M. Fulford (University of Reading) C. Gasparri (Università di Napoli Federico II ) E. Giannichedda F. Giudice (Università di Catania) A. Hochuli- Gysel (Fondation Pro Aventico, Avenches) S. Ladstätter (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften) M. Lawall (University of Manitoba) M. Mackensen (Ludwig- Maximilians-Universität, München) D. Manacorda (Università di Roma Tre) D. Mattingly (University of Leicester) M. Mazza (Università di Roma La Sapienza ) D. Michaelides (University of Cyprus) M. D. Nenna (Maison de l Orient et de la Méditerranée, Lyon) M. O Hea (University of Adelaide) E. Papi (Università di Siena) D. P. S. Peacock (University of Southampton) N. Rauh (Purdue University) P. Reynolds (University of Barcelona) G. Sanders (The American School of Classical Studies at Athens) F. Slavazzi (Università di Milano) K. W. Slane (University of Missouri-Columbia) N. Terrenato (University of Michigan) M. Torelli (Università di Perugia) H. von Hessberg (Universität zu Köln) A. Wilson (University of Oxford) D. Yntema (Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam) Consulente di redazione per la grafica e la fotografia: Giovanni Fragalà * «Facta» is a Peer Review Journal
3 FACTA A JOURNAL OF ROMAN MATERIAL CULTURE STUDIES edited by daniele malfitana, jeroen poblome, john lund PISA ROMA FABRIZIO SERRA EDITORE MMIX
4 Amministrazione e abbonamenti Accademia editoriale Casella postale n. 1, succursale n. 8, i Pisa Tel Fax Abbonamenti (2008): Italia: Euro 55,00 (privati) Euro 85,00 (enti, con edizione Online) Abroad: Euro 85,00 (Individuals) Euro 115,00 (Institutions, with Online Edition) Prezzo del fascicolo singolo: Euro 140,00 I pagamenti possono essere effettuati tramite versamento su c.c.p. n o tramite carta di credito (American Express, Visa, Eurocard, Mastercard) Uffici di Pisa: Via Santa Bibbiana 28 i Pisa Tel Fax Uffici di Roma: Via Ruggiero Bonghi 11/b i Roma Tel Fax Autorizzazione del Tribunale di Pisa n. 22 del 15-ix-2004 Direttore responsabile: Fabrizio Serra Sono rigorosamente vietati la riproduzione, la traduzione, l adattamento, anche parziale o per estratti, per qualsiasi uso e con qualsiasi mezzo effettuati, compresi la copia fotostatica, il microfilm, la memorizzazione elettronica, ecc., senza la preventiva autorizzazione scritta della Fabrizio Serra Editore, Pisa Roma, un marchio della Accademia editoriale, Pisa Roma. Ogni abuso sarà perseguito a norma di legge. Proprietà riservata All rights reserved Copyright 2009 by Fabrizio Serra Editore, Pisa Roma, un marchio della Accademia editoriale, Pisa Roma Stampato in Italia Printed in Italy La Accademia editoriale, Pisa Roma, pubblica con il marchio Fabrizio Serra Editore, Pisa Roma, sia le proprie riviste precedentemente edite con il marchio Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali, Pisa Roma, che i volumi delle proprie collane precedentemente edite con i marchi Edizioni dell Ateneo, Roma, Giardini editori e stampatori in Pisa, Gruppo editoriale internazionale, Pisa Roma, e Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali, Pisa Roma. issn
5 SOMMARIO Editorial Preface 11 Kristine Bøggild Johannsen, Campanareliefs im Kontext. Ein Beitrag zur Neubewertung der Funktion und Bedeutung der Campanareliefs in römischen Villen 15 Eloisa Dodero, Il vetrocammeo nella prima età imperiale: una sintesi. Con breve notizia di alcuni frammenti inediti del «Thorvaldsens Museum» di Copenhagen 39 Paul Reynolds, Linear typologies and ceramic evolution 61 Jean Bussière, Nouveaux outils de potiers africains d époque romaine (ive-vies.) 89 Ben Russell, The dynamics of stone transport between the Roman Mediterranean and its hinterland 107 Daniele Malfitana et al., Roman Sicily Project («rsp»): Ceramics and Trade. A multidisciplinary approach to the study of material culture assemblages. First overview: the transport amphorae evidence 127 Jeroen Poblome, Sherds and coins from a place under the sun. Further thoughts from Sagalassos 193 discussion section: the «rhosica vasa» quest John Lund, Daniele Malfitana, Jeroen Poblome, «Rhosica vasa»: the quest continues 217 Christian Høgel, Cicero on Atticus serving from «Rhosica vasa» 221 Luciana Romeri, Ateneo e il vasellame di Cleopatra (Ateneo, Deipn. vi 229 c1-d1) 225 Kevin Greene, «Rhosica vasa» as metalwork rather than earthenware: an interpretation reinforced by philological analysis 231 review section John Lund, New corpus of terracotta lamps from Algeria. A review of Jean Bussière, Lampes antiques d Algérie, and Lampes antiques d Algérie ii: Lampes tardives et lampes chrétiennes 235 Books received 239 Instructions to authors 241 Addresses of contributors 243
6 ROMAN SICILY PROJECT («RSP»): CERAMICS AND TRADE a multidisciplinary approach to the study of material culture assemblages. first overview: the transport amphorae evidence Daniele Malfitana With contributions by Emmanuel Botte Carmela Franco Maria Giulia Morgano Anna Lisa Palazzo Thematic map by Giovanni Fragalà W Quapropter cognita tota re frumentaria, iudices, iam facillime perspicere potestis amissam esse populo Romano Siciliam, fructuosissima atque opportunissima provincia, sini eam vos istius damnatione reciperatis. Quid est enim Sicilia, si agri cultionem sustuleris et si aratorum numerum ac nomen exstinxeris?1 Foreword e quote this passage from the second book of the «Verrinae» by Cicero because it testifies to the beginning of that happy and calm period, after consul Marcel- This work is the first overview of an encompassing research project in progress; its final results will be published as a Facta Supplementum containing more detailed information and all the analytical data (including gis and other databases, thematic maps and graphs) on local production and import of amphorae and table wares in Roman Sicily. The contribution presents research results of the «Commessa di Ricerca» ibam - cnr (pc.p ibam) directed by D. Malfitana and titled «Approcci multidisciplinari integrati per l analisi dei manufatti: dalla produzione alla circolazione e all uso» and was partially funded, in its first stage, by the Department of Cultural Heritage of the Regione Sicilia (Dipartimento Beni Culturali dell Assessorato ai Beni Culturali ed Ambientali della Regione Sicilia). E. Botte is a PhD student at the University of Lyon and Centre Jean Berard (Naples). C. Franco, M. G. Morgano and A. L. Palazzo are archaeologists of the School of Advanced Study in Classical Archaeology of the University of Catania. G. Fragalà is responsible for the Laboratory of Archaeological Photography of ibam - cnr, Catania. A special thanks goes to Carmela Franco, who helped to coordinate and collate the data from the different sections of this work; she also translated the original Italian and French texts into English. Are involved in the project: G. Cacciaguerra, M. G. Morgano, A. L. Palazzo (University of Catania), N. Alberti, A. Di Miceli, M. Spagnolo, V. Purpura, N. Treccarichi (University of Palermo), and E. Botte (Centre Jean Berard of Naples). Also historians, archaeometrists, computer scientists, etc. are taking part in the project. The engineer A. Guglielmino is organising the website of the project (www.romansicilyproject.org), as well as creating the gis maps and the database that will be made available on the intranet section of the website. The authors wish to thank Michel Bonifay for critically reading the text and his many suggestions; Elizabeth Murphy for her great effort in improving this contribution, and not least its English. Obviously, the authors remain responsible for any mistake. 1 Cic., In Verr. ii. 3, 226 («Judge, now that you have known the entire issue of the wheat, you can easily understand that Sicily is the most productive and useful of our provinces and the Roman population will lose it if you don t
7 128 daniele malfitana et alii lus had received the island in 210 bc, being 27 years after the province had been constituted and after he had given it to his colleague Levinus, following the objections of the Syracusans.1 The calm period helped the Sicilian exiles and refugees return to their homes and properties and rejuvinate agricultural production, especially of wheat destined for Rome the capital city. The two superlatives used by Cicero explain very clearly and eloquently the status of Sicily, which, compared to other Roman provinces and domains, seems to offer competitive and varied economic opportunities, at least during this period.2 Building on the contemporary political, social and economic situation of Sicily which was particularly dynamic,3 a multidisciplinary research project4 is in progress. Junior researchers specializing in the study of Roman artefacts are approaching the cultural, social and economic matrix of the first province of the Empire. Starting with the testimonies of the material culture, they are studying not only the handcrafts, but primarily the processes of social and ideological dynamics combined in the general concept of «culture» and the historical, socio-cultural context in which these dynamics were embedded.5 Despite the lack of relevant research and published material and especially the «deliberate» lack of focus on Hellenistic and Roman aspects of Sicily6 the past years have seen some attempts to draw a preliminary picture of the socio-economy and culture of Roman Sicily. This first attempt, however, was focused mostly on historical evidence and not so much on the archaeological record. The essay by Mario Mazza7 is still the most complete report on Roman Sicily. Today we can combine, better than in the past, archaeological materials with historical reconstructions, which can contribute to clarifying the numerous data that our team is collecting. reconquer it by condemning this man. What will be Sicily after the destruction of the agriculture and the category of the farmers, till the disappearing of their name?»). 1 Liv. xxvi, 29, 1-9; xxvi, 32, 8; Val. Max iv, 1, 7; Plut. Marc There is a long bibliography on the political status of Sicily as quoted by Cicero. Lazzaretti 2006 and Perkins Most recently, Prag 2007 discussed historical, political, social and legal aspects of Sicily during Cicero s period. A very interesting overview is Dubouloz - Pittia 2007 (various papers). A milestone for Sicily in the Roman Empire is Wilson Lazzeretti 2006 made a recent and exhaustive re-examination of the fourth book of the «Verrinae» (De signis) with an archaeological and historical commentary. 4 The activities of this project are part of the research carried out by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven (roct project led by Professors M. Waelkens and J. Poblome). The main author of the article is responsible for the research unit titled «Regionalism and Internationality in Roman Sicily: a general overview of fine and common wares, amphorae and material culture assemblages» ( ). The beginning of the project coincided with the activities of the International Summer School 2007: Roman pottery. Methodologies for the study of production, circulation and use (Catania, October 2007). 5 On the concept of «material culture», its implications and its application see the editorial statement of «Facta», 1, 2007 (Poblome - Malfitana - Lund 2008). See also Roth See also the recent words of M. Torelli in L. Fiorini - M. Torelli, La fusione, Afrodite, l emporion, «Facta. A Journal of Roman material culture studies», 1, 2007, pp ; in particular p. 97 «far conoscere gli umili materiali ceramici romani in terre ideologicamente refrattarie alla romanità, come la grecità di Madrepatria e delle colonie d Occidente». 7 Mazza
8 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 129 In April 2004, the scientific meeting «Old pottery in a new century. Innovating perspectives on Roman pottery studies»1 took place in Sicily. It was organized to concentrate the attention of scholars in particular of the Archaeological Superintendence, which works directly on the archaeological sites of the island2 on the enormous potential of the study of crafts to draw an up-to-date picture of the economy and culture of Roman Sicily. This meeting showed the way to new areas of research. Strong appeals were launched to encourage the development and the investment in this research field.3 The most recent one was by C. Portale (in his essay concerning the province of Sicily):4 «gravosi limiti valgono per lo studio della cultura materiale, malgrado il recente interesse volto al tema delle manifatture ceramiche, sulla scia dei progressi altrove registrati in questo campo. Anche qui i ritardi nell edizione scientifica dei principali complessi, come il Ceramico di Siracusa condizionano la validità dei risultati, assolutamente preliminari, raggiungibili in questa fase». On the one hand, there was the Catania workshop capturing the need for investments in this field. On the other hand, there is the research carried out by the Research Unit within the international roct project Roman Crafts and Trade coordinated by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven.5 Both scientific platforms convinced us to gather young researchers able to gain specific competences in order to realize the research project. In this contribution, we will present the preliminarily results of this project concerning the transport amphorae. This work even if it is still in progress aims to give a first set of data to the scientific community directly obtained through the ceramic evidence, and in particular amphorae, found in Sicily, trying to recognise both the specificity and the role of the island. In fact, Sicily can be considered as one big harbour opening like a fan, connecting anywhere in the Roman Empire.6 Surely, this is the particularity of the island and it is also the reason why it is a special observation place within the network of international emporia that were distributed along the coasts of the Mediterranean basin. As a matter of fact, Cicero described the island as such. In the chapter of the «Verrinae», in which he discussed the deceptions of Verres in Syracusae, he refers to the island as follows: «Cogitate nunc, cum illa Sicilia sit, hoc est insula quae undique exitus maritimos habeat, quid ex ceteris locis exportatum putetis, quid Agrigento, quid Lilybaeo, quid Panhormo, quid Thermos, quid Halaesa, quid Catina, quid ex ceteris oppidis, quid vero Messana».7 1 Malfitana - Poblome - Lund See the considerations of the main author on some important Sicilian archaeological contexts which, even after many years, remain unpublished: Malfitana 2006 a, p. 414 and Malfitana 2006 b. 3 See also the author s considerations in Malfitana 2006 a, pp Portale 2005, p «Regionalism and Internationality in Roman Sicily: a general overview of fine and common wares, amphorae and material culture assemblages» Unit ( ). See also note 4 on p See also the recent paper presented at the international workshop organized by the British School in Rome and by the University of Southampton, Ports Networks in the Roman Mediterranean (March, 7 th and 8 th 2008). 7«Sicily is an Island, having everywhere access to the sea. Think about what you suppose was exported from other places, from Agrigento, from Marsala, from Palermo, from Terme, from Alesa, from Catania and from the other cities».
9 130 daniele malfitana et alii The project In September 2002, during the workshop at the Danish Institute at Athens,1 I introduced the basis to redefine the presence of amphorae and table wares in late Hellenistic and Roman Sicily. On that occasion, I underlined the difficulties in the realization of this work because studies were slow and published evidence was scarce and heterogeneous. Nowadays, the reconstruction of the ancient picture is somewhat easier, thanks to the more precise and numerous information available: at that time, however, based on a preliminary analysis of the available archaeological and historical data, I could only propose a first outline of the presence and working of the commercial network on Sicily. The first data were partial, yet primarily quantitative, thus considered reliable and useful to develop alternative proposals, from a historical, economic and social point of view. When talking about the relationship between East and West we quoted some excerpta from the «Vita Hilarionis» by Saint Jerome, a Palestinian saint from Gaza who wrote around ad 380. The presence in that text of nautae and negotiatores raised many questions. When archaeologists understood the importance of the historical data, and not only of the material, the hagiographic testimony became an important starting point to scan the economy and the commercial exchanges of antiquity. In any case, the use of written material even extremely important sources, such as the «Verrinae» is not always a valid means by which archaeologists and historians can find out precisely what they are looking for.2 This information has to be combined with other documentation, concerning, for example, the complex road infrastructure network3 on an island where portoria4 and markets were surely vital, the different types (and quantities) of goods were exchanged,5 the origin and role of the commercial operators whose presence is epigraphically attested as well as the economic and cultural role of each city, both coastal and inland. As previously stated, the extraordinary testimony offered by the «Verrinae» was extremely useful in finding information about the status of Sicily and its cities, but it did not provide us with precise information about other aspects, such as economy, production, and, in particular, handcrafts, which were presumably important for the Sicilian economy and society. Likewise, the available epigraphic documentation can not give us information about other economic sectors, such as textile, wood or other materials manufacturing. The research began some years ago, starting with these considerations and recalling the long and lively debate about the economy of Roman Sicily; maybe this debate was focused too much on the organization, and agricultural products, relationship between rural settlements and cities, and on the provision and 1 Malfitana 2004 a, pp Marino 2006, p. 8: «In questo quadro storiografico il potenziamento del dialogo con i colleghi archeologi può rendere la Sicilia ancora territorio di molte domande che devono ricevere risposte dalla sistemazione organica dei risultati degli scavi e in una visione di sintesi sui contesti che concorrerebbe a superare i limiti della sclerotizzazione testuale». 3 On the fact that the Sicilian road network should be analysed in connection with the archaeological documentation, see Uggeri 2004 (with bibliography). 4 About the portoria, see De Salvo Nowadays, there is no reference study about the presence of Roman pottery in Sicily; this study is documented only for specific classes. For example, for the Italian stamped terra sigillata, see Malfitana 2004 b.
10 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 131 the monumentalization of some urban areas. Our research started with an analysis in the strict sense of archaeological documentation, more precisely, the local and imported table wares or transport amphorae; it aimed at defining and creating a clear and affordable overview composed of concrete data to be used in every kind of research on Roman Sicily, not only specifically related to the material analysed, but also to discover contact areas, movements, peoples and ideas that circulated in the Sicily province. We are sure that by studying material culture we can obtain a large quantity of information that, properly used, could help us not only to verify the presence or absence of some types of Roman pottery (which is our primary aim), but also to start an investigation concerning the settlements, the role of producers and owners, and the social position of the artisans. In recent years, these areas of research in Sicily are becoming better understood, for istance thanks to the publications of Alcamo Marina, introduced by E. Botte, or the important case of Santa Venera al Pozzo1 in the hinterland of Catina, which is not completely published. If to that data we add even gradually some other studies about important archaeological places in Sicily, which are presently unpublished, we will finally have important means by which to reconstruct more precisely the political and economic history (by putting together for the first time all the available data as an organic whole). The chronological period we analysed covered the period from the creation of the province to the beginning of the late Antiquity (i.e. since the Romanization process2 of the island till the Vandal and Byzantine incursions).3 The main research aim is to collect all the available published material4 concerning table wares and commercial amphorae. The unpublished data obtained by the Sicily Archaeological Superintendence or universities and research institutes studying archaeology on the island are for the moment omitted. The first and main difficulty is to systematise the information available, by putting all the quantitative data in a computerized data management system that should necessarily take into account the potential differences between the published material. Information about the same find usually diverges, because some were published before the establishment of typologies (e.g., some texts were published before the J. W. Hayes volume Late Roman Pottery, 1972, or before the Atlanti delle forme ceramiche dell Enciclopedia dell arte antica, classica ed orientale, 1981 and 1985). Some work is being done to solve this problem and to create a common language by translating the different classification systems into an easier terminology that is comprehensible by the 1 Branciforti About the concept of Romanization, its significance and its application, see the recent considerations of Malfitana 2006 b. In Perkins 2007, pp there are more precise observations. These investigations aim to define whether the Roman conquest was a hegemonic process rather than an osmotic process. 3 Concerning the Late Roman, Vandal and Byzantine phase, the author of the article himself and M. Bonifay are carrying out a recent research project funded for the years, , within the Scientific Cooperation and Research Agreement between the Italian cnr and the French cnrs, titled: «Archaeological and archaeometrical problems in the African ceramic imports in Roman, Vandal and Byzantine Sicily. Status quaestionis, methods and investigation approaches». See, Malfitana - Bonifay - Capelli (in press). 4 The operation consists of the reading of journals, excavation news, reports, museum catalogues, exhibitions and other material connected to Sicilian archaeological contexts.
11 132 daniele malfitana et alii whole scientific community and that also reflects the latest developments in the field. Here we present the first table (Table 1: pp ) that redefines the main classifications of amphora types according to the most updated typologies. This must be done to prevent some new temporary terms, which are often coined during excavations and then maintained and which create additional confusion. The project is based first on the observation of the areas (i.e. the different commercialization areas and, if known, the production areas on the island) and second on the known ceramic typologies. In other words, we want to first underline the micro and macro levels of commercialization, then the different weight of every ceramic type and consequently the weight of the production regions outside Sicily, while considering presences and absences within the more general and homogeneous context of the Mediterranean basin. By reading, evaluating and interpreting the data, we must use great caution, because data is always heterogeneous, due to differential rates of publication of the results or, even more often, due to the fact that for too many years publications remained simply preliminary. For these reasons we will obtain a heterogeneous commercial overview that will still be beneficial to our project. Nevertheless, we will have to fill the gaps with additional information, drawn by other documented areas. It is not possible to postpone the collection of information about the existence of production complexes, and in particular of kilns, which are extremely important for reconstructing economic and production patterns. Questions and research aims During the various meetings I have taken part in the past few years (where we also discussed this project in advance or some specific topics), some recurrent questions were posed to me. Here I am going to repeat them because they directly relate to our main research aims. These questions are: how many pottery classes are there on the island? Which are currently identifiable imports? Which are the most important stratigraphic contexts? Which pottery comes from the East, and which comes from the West? Which are the local products, and why are they called «local»? What is the ratio between local and imported products? Which are the most strategically important towns in the Sicily province? Where are the production centres on the island? Which kind of archaeometric information about Sicily can provide clear guidelines to recognize local products and imitations? How was the data collected? Does it come from excavations or from surveys? What are the patterns of consumption (civil, religious and military) that can be reconstructed? In which contexts were amphorae and table wares used? This is an admittedly long list of questions, which are difficult to answer definitively, due to the current lack of tools and means. Regardless, these questions are the guidelines of the entire project, and only by answering them can we have a first largescale view that is perhaps still vague, but at least utilizes some complex, yet relevant, evidence. Here we chose to introduce the first general observations collected and to postpone the detailed publication (currently in progress) of the existing testimonies and of the quantities found. Here we also decided to present one particular case study of
12 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 133 interest that of the amphora type Dressel of the Alcamo Marina complex, which is very important for the study of Roman Sicily production. Daniele Malfitana The data collection In order to collect useful data for a historical-commercial reconstruction, it is necessary to treat information objectively from the beginning, thereby leaving the previous historical and archaeological information aside. For the investigative approach adopted, which underlies the observation and collection method, negative data is a key element, whereby, the absence of an amphora type at a site has the same importance as its presence. The presence or absence of a particular amphora type in an area makes it possible to discover two important features of the general Roman economy: 1) Productive specialisation: some sites based their economy on the production and exportation of one or two types of goods. 2) Merchants used to prefer some commercial networks and routes, and they were part of a big chain, which used to also connect very distant cities through an exchange system that was based on a common Roman hegemonic policy. According to this view, it is imperative that the temporal area of interest be analysed. In fact, it will be useful to analyse the finds diachronically and synchronically. For this purpose some distribution maps will be created using both temporal and typological perspectives. With these maps we can immediately make a comparison among the data we have, which will form the basis of a precise and objective analysis of the different contexts we were interested in. Only after this data observation without preconceptions and with a readiness to accept all the information that the finds might give us will it be possible to get specific understanding about the area, integrating the data already known. The tools used to observe the data will be: - Diachronic gis-based maps about the finds according to a chronological distinction of the material found; - Distribution maps of chronological phases, for comparison of the presence and the types of material in an area over different periods; - Distribution maps of some amphora and table ware types for identification of privilege diffusion areas. The final aim of data observation will make it possible to understand: - Distribution in larger and smaller geographic areas (starting with an observation of distribution patterns in Sicily and then the observation of patterns throughout the Mediterranean basin); - Presence of a specific pottery type at a site (discovered thanks to the data concerning the relationship between two sites) as the basis for understanding the commercial interests of the site; - Types of goods and products exchanged in order to eventually find constant and planned exchange of raw material. In this paper, we decide to present a preliminary distribution map of Sicily that shows all sites at which amphorae were founded. Map i (made by Giovanni Fragalà) and
13 134 daniele malfitana et alii built upon the Barrington Atlas map of ancient Sicily presents all known sites from which data was included in the pottery database. Consequently, we will discuss to the first data collected and its systematization; then we will analyse its economical implications. Maria Giulia Morgano The transport amphorae evidence Eastern Sicily: a first overview As it is not possible to focus on every single piece of data gathered from the surveys in eastern Sicily, we will set out to investigate and unravel aspects of greater importance in order to classify the economic dynamics in the eastern part of province Sicily during the Imperial period. This will be performed through the analysis of the existing amphorae found in several urban and rural settlements.1 The territory of Messana and the Aeolian Islands had the most significant and diversified role in this. In fact, recent archaeological studies in this area have traced more and more features of municipia characterized by a wide commercial movement and presence of different cultures. In this area the West and the East of the Empire met, justifying the important description of the Island as a «concentrato di mediterraneità».2 This area is better represented in the dataset in comparison to other Sicilian districts owing to constant surveying and rapid follow-up publications. The published data underscores the presence of some amphorae production complexes. The most famous examples are the kilns that produced Richborough 527 amphorae (Fig. 1), near the municipium of Lipara during the early Imperial period (Map i, F2).3 The archaeometrical analyses have recognized the local origin of the vessels. It is possible that the amphorae transported alum rock,4 an important mineral for the economy of the Empire because of its numerous multi-functional uses across the economic spectrum (e.g. for tannery and medical use). Our extensive knowledge on the municipium of Lipara, where the presence of eastern amphorae (Cretan 1)5 is attested, is very insightful. In fact, sometimes these amphorae were re-used in funeral contexts, suggesting an image of familiarity with the goods from the eastern Mediterranean. In Lipara, we also found Gaulish amphorae (Gauloises 4), Iberian amphorae (Dressel 7/11) and African amphorae (African i-ii).6 1 The relationship of a city/hinterland, especially in the provinciae, plays a role of particular importance as far as the phenomenon of production/consumption of goods is concerned, because every settlement is closely linked to its hinterland, Arthur 2000, p Pinzone 2002, pp and De Salvo 2002, p With regard to the kilns of the Early Imperial period found in Contrada Portinenti, see the study of Ph. Bogard in Meligunìs x, pp On the alum rock from Lipari, Plin., Nat. Hist., xxxv 184. On the topic of alum, see Borgard - Capelli Village in Biviano s property: Ancona 2000, pp , Messina 2000, pp ; Roman Bath Complex, Via Franza: Meligunìs x, pp. 226, 230; Funeral area, ex Terreno vescovile: Meligunìs xi, pp. 37, 41, 77, 199, 204, Meligunìs ix, 2; pp For the Roman kiln and the dump attested in c.da Portinenti, see Meligunìs x, p. 371.
14 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 135 Fig. 1. Amphora Richborough 527 type from Lipari (after Meligunìs x, p. 289, fig. 1). The numerous underwater recoveries connected to wrecks (e. g. the Alberti wreck of Panarea, wrecks a-c-m of Capo Graziano in Filicudi: Map i, F1)1 offer a vivid image of a period of intense commercial activity related foremost to the African products exported through the smaller Aeolian islands. A prevalence of amphorae of presumed Sicilian origin is attested in Lipara during the late Roman period with the presence of Keay lii and, above all, the amphorae type so-called Termini Recently, new investigations have also revealed the presence of some amphorae kilns along the coast around the Aeolian Islands. Kilns have been discovered at Capo d Orlando, in the public Roman bath of the statio Agathyrnum3 situated along the ancient Via Valeria (Map i, F2). These kilns produced the so-called Termini amphora type This type is oval in shape, and it seems to imitate Eastern amphorae prototypes5 and a type of wine amphora discovered in Naples and Rome (amphora cb2 type)6 (Fig. 2). The production of this type of amphora is also attested in Caronia. At this coastal landing place, Calactae (Map i, E2), a statio along the Via Valeria in exis- 1 Alberti wreck: Cavalier- Livadie 1985, pp ; Parker 1992, p. 302, no. 784; Capo Graziano c wreck: Parker 1992, p. 118, no Capo Graziano m wreck: Parker 1992, p. 120, no. 242; about Filicudi see also Spigo Messina 2000, pp ; Ancona 2000, pp Spigo - Ollà - Capelli Two variants of this type of amphora have been recognised by the archaeologists: local amphora characterised by an «orlo ingrossato con sezione più o meno triangolare», similar to amphora type Termini (iv-v th century ad) and a second variant with a «collo troncoconico, orlo svasato ed estremità arrotondata», see N. Ollà in Spigo - Ollà - Capelli 2006, p Local amphora with «orlo indistinto unito al collo troncoconico», considered as an imitation of a local globular amphora produced in the Eastern Mediterranean (lr2 /Berenice 2), see Spigo - Ollà - Capelli 2006, pp Local amphora with «orlo estroflesso con estremità rettilinea o lievemente scanalata», N. Ollà in Spigo - Ollà - Capelli 2006, p. 455, can be compared to amphorae found in Naples (Carminiello type 17, see Arthur 1998, p. 172, fig. 9) and Rome (cb2, see Saguì 1998, p. 321, fig. 10).
15 136 daniele malfitana et alii Fig. 2. A selection of amphorae from Capo d Orlando (after Spigo - Ollà - Capelli 2006, p. 456, fig. 4).
16 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 137 tence from the Middle Imperial period, has been identified1 During the Early Imperial period the kilns produced amphorae Dressel 35 similis,2 while in the late Imperial times they produced amphorae cb2 type, characterized by a short, hollow base or stubby foot.3 Another workshop has been recognized in the territory of Furnari (Map i, G2), along the route of Via Valeria to Messana Diana.4 There, within a range of 80 km, three amphorae ateliers are attested. Each produced vessels that were very similar in shape and succesfully exported. It may be possible, if not highly probable, that the amphora content may be connected with a story reported by Plinius Secundus in which he mentioned the production of wine in this area at Haluntium.5 The Municipium of Haluntium (Map i, F2) could be identified a few kilometres away from the modern centre of Caronia.6 It may be that Caronia represented the commercial centre and was an outlet in the wine trade. Plinius s sources date this production to the Early Imperial period; the archaeological evidence of the kilns would confirm this production also for the following periods. In the coastal municipium of Mylae7 (Map i, G2), new surveys have attested the presence of an important industrial complex for the production of foods made from fish.8 The surveys have revealed an important group of transport amphorae and vessels which are currently being studied. Perhaps the data will turn at to correlate with data connected to the probable presence of «vasche per pescicoltura»,9 found next to Riviera di Ponente (Capo S. Antonio). The presence of these vessels may signal that this production had a particularly important role in the municipal economy. In the municipium of Messana10 (Map i, H2) three important productive complexes were in use during the Late Roman period. Each of these complexes has its specialization. For instance, the village of Gazzi11 (Map i, H2) produced oil and wine, and it is probable that the wine was exported as far as Carthage.12 The village of Ganzirri was situated near the Traiectus (Map i, H2), as part of the wider suburban agglomerate of Pistunina13 (Map i, H2) within the boundaries of Messana. Given its location, it was perhaps connected to rural activities.14 It is the location of the Valerii villa, which was inhabited by owners, Anicius Pinianus and Melania Iunior, during the Vandal invasion of Rome, as well as the established site of the big pars rustica. The excavation of those three sites produced Keay lii amphorae from 1 Uggeri 2004, p Scibona 1969, p. 228; Wilson 1990, pp. 263 and 402, no Bonanno - Sudano 2007, p Bonanno - Sudano 2007, p In the locality of Tonnarella in 1994, archaeologists have found a kiln dump in a context dating back to the iii-iv th century ad, with many amphora fragments similar to the ones found in Caronia, see Bonanno - Sudano 2007, p About amphorae in Calacte see also Lentini - Göransson - Lindhagen Plin., Nat. Hist., xiv, The community of Haluntium, cited by Plinius, was among the municipia created with the Augustan reform. (Plin., Nat. Hist., iii 90) It is commonly identified with the modern centre of S. Marco d Alunzio, Wilson 1990, p Mylae: Oppidum (Plin., Nat. Hist., 3, 90). 8 Tigano 2003, pp Tigano 1997, pp , no Messana: Oppidum Civium Romanorum (Plin., Nat. Hist., 3, 88). 11 About Gazzi see Bonanno 2001, pp This production has been connected to a wine called Mamertinum produced in Messina and mentioned by Plinius: Plin., Nat. Hist., xiv, 66, 97; above the wine see also Portale 2006, p Bacci 2001, p Tigano , pp
17 Fig. 3. Spinella type amphora from Naxos (after Ollà 2001, p. 48, fig. 7). 138 daniele malfitana et alii Naxos, lra and also African i, Tripolitanian ii and iii, Knossos 4/5 from the eastern Mediterranean. The first phenomenon observed is that each of these territorial entities seems to play an important role in the local micro-economy by placing at the forefront particular goods for trade. Lipara produced alum-rock during the first imperial period, Milazzo perhaps produced salted fish, and the coastal centres on the Tyrrhenian Sea produced wine. The situation of the coastal areas, which opened out to the Ionian Sea, is also extremely complex. The coloniae of Tauromenion, Catina and Syracusae were characterized by a harbour area projecting towards the Eastern Mediterranean and by a rural basin more or less placed immediately behind them inland. Some small coastal and subcoastal centres a villa dated to the iiird century ad (Scifì-Forza d Agrò)1 (Map i, G3), a late Roman settlement (Marina di Itala - Monte Scuderi: Map i, G2)2 and a statio viaria (S. Alessio - Statio Palmae: Map i, G3)3 have offered amphorae produced at Naxos (amphorae Spinella type (Fig. 3), Keay lii (Figs. 4-5), Tripolitanian and in the eastern Mediterranean regions (Kapitaen ii, Agorà F65- F66, lra2). The role of the Tauromenion colony (Map i, G3), which probably maintained a connection with the rural basin that produced wine, as remembered by Plinius Secundus (the Elder Pliny),4 must have been important, even if this relationship is still not sufficiently known and understood. In fact, only recently a relation has been proposed between this rural basin and the amphorae attested at Naxos.5 The role of the port of Naxos (Map i, G3), known for its complex of Horrea, where wine dolia have been found,6 is connected to the activities of local amphora kilns in use from the Hellenistic to the late Roman period. They produced amphorae designated for the transport of the local wine.7 The local production has been confirmed by archeometrical analysis.8 The local amphorae are of small dimension. In the early phases, the kilns produced amphorae similar to Dressel 2-4 (in the small and big module) (Figs. 6-7), and later they produced a sort of Gauloises imitation (Figs. 8-9).9 The production continued into the Early Imperial period with amphorae of the 1 Lentini - Ollà 2001 a, pp Lentini - Ollà 2001 b, pp Statio Palmae sive Tamariciae, It. Ant., 87, 13. On the identification of the statio see, Lentini 1982, p. 163, Lentini - Ollà 2001 c, pp and Portale 2005, p. 39; Sirena 2006, p Plin., Nat. Hist., xiv, 16; on the Naxian wine see Wilson 1999, p Statio Naxos, It. Ant., 87, 2, Uggeri 2004, pp , Lentini 2001, pp Lentini 2001, p Lentini 2001, pp Williams 2001, pp Ollà 2001, p. 49.
18 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 139 Figs Keay lii produced in Naxos (after Ollà 2001, p. 52, fig. 18 and p. 56, no. 16). Figs Dressel 2/4 amphora from Naxos (after Ollà 2001, p. 48, fig. 2 and p. 54, no. 2). Spello type. The Spello amphorae (Figs ) have some variants: the S. Alessio type (Fig. 12) which derive their S. Alessio type-name from the name of the wreck from
19 140 daniele malfitana et alii Figs Gauloises amphorae from Naxos (after Ollà 2001, p. 48, fig. 5 and p. 55, no. 5). Figs Flattened wine amphora base from Naxos (after Ollà 2001, p. 49, fig. 7 and p. 54, no. 4). which were first recovered, and the Spinella type.1 During the middle Imperial period the kilns produced amphorae of the mra1 type,2 and in the late Roman period they 1 Ollà 2001, p On the production of amphorae type mra1 in Naxos, see Ollà 2001, p. 53, no. 16 and above all, Wilson 1990, p. 264, fig. 224 and p. 402 no Wilson confronts the amphorae found in Spinella property of
20 roman sicily project: ceramics and trade 141 produced Keay lii, which was considered as an «estrema evoluzione»1 of the typical flattened wine amphora base produced at Naxos Naxos had to be, therefore, not only a port, but a commercial settlement for exporting local wine. The situation is different in relation to the southern region of Naxos, a territory characterized by small rural settlements located between Mt. Etna s slopes and the Ionian Sea, and said to be located along the inner road of Via Pompeia.2 We know little about these places, in many cases only the names have been attested (e.g., Calatabiano or c.da Annunziata: Map i, G3), but they are important because they suggest the presence of settlements characterized by mono-cultivation in this case probably wine, as suggested epigraphically in reference to the production of wooden barrels for wine and as attested from the literary sources.3 Along Via Pompeia, near Santa Venera al Pozzo statio Acium (Map i, G3), another complex of kilns for the production of wine amphorae has been identified.4 This complex is dated to the Fig. 12. Amphora S. Alessio type from Capo S. Alessio wreck (after Ollà 2001, p. 118, fig. 3). beginning of the iv th century ad, from the presence of coins dating to Constantions the Great. The kilns produced amphorae of the types Benghazi mr1,5 Keay liii and their variants (Late Roman Amphora 1), as well as building materials.6 The nearby Naxos with some amphorae published by Riley 1981, pp Wilson finds the same amphorae in Monte Campanaio (Ag), in Marsala (Tp), in S. Vito Lo Capo (Tp), and in Isola della Femmine (Pa: Map i, C2). He is decidedly leaning towards of a Sicilian origin of this type (contra Manacorda in Ostia iv, pp : Tripolitania; Riley 1981, pp : Tunisia). About these problems see also Bonifay 2004, pp This particular type of amphora is characterized by a flat bottom and a small ring foot and had been previously defined in many ways: Forlimpopoli type i-iii (Moschella 1994); mra1 type, (Bacci 2001, p. 27). This type has been defined also as amphora S. Alessio type by Lentini and Ollà. For this amphora see, Ollà 2001, p See, Uggeri 2004, pp cil x, 2, 7040; Strab. Geog. vi, 2-3; Expos. lxv, ggm 126, Statio Acium, It. Ant., 87, 3. See, Uggeri 2004, pp and Tortorici 2002, p. 321, see also the previous bibliography. 5 Amphora Keay lii type by the author: see Amari 2006, pp. 143, n. 5; 144, n. 6. I thank D. Malfitana and M. Bonifay for their remarks as mr1. 6 Excavations carried out by the Superintendence of Catania; for a first edition of these types see Amari 2006, pp and Amari 2007, pp